Ex- Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: An Examination on the Influential Time in Office

The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential holders of that office in US history. Although many second-in-commands had to settle for peripheral or figurehead positions, Cheney held substantial influence during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often described as the "real president".

Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the relationship was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably calling him in public settings as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even descriptions of their relationship as a team because it implied that they were equals. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.

A Post-9/11 Era

Leading of a group of conservative hawks that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the downing of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the Capitol building.

Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be focused on retribution. Together with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.

Disputed Actions

He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance now."

Yet even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."

Wider Perspective

Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had composed a document setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be positioned to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.

Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on executing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of lowering America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.

Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's visage that everyone had to step on.

Investigation Approaches

But it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, frequently citing agency briefings that were whether weak or completely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush White House indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the employment of waterboarding and physical pressure.

Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the findings as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to catch the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of credit."

External Perception

Cheney took pleasure in nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his hole? This represents a effective way to function, truthfully."

Corporate Connections

Debate over his business interests accompanied him through his period as vice-president. Although he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chair and CEO.

In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at multiple billions.

It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation grew from his previous salary while military head to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty